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BENGALI CULTURE

       

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recently discovered at moynamoti, commilla

A 7th century statute of Ardho Nari Iswar, one of the 24 rare Bengal treasures oldest university in Asia named as Somapura Buddha Vihara,paharpur

1. INTRODUCTION

national bird - doelPôhela Boishakh or Pôila Boishakh is the first day of the Bangla Calendar. Pôhela Boishakh is celebrated in a festive manner in both Bangladesh and West Bengal. In Bangladesh, Pôhela Boishakh is a public holiday and in West Bengal it is a national holiday. It falls on April 14 or April 15 of the Gregorian calendar depending on the use of the new amended or the old Bangla calendar respectively. In Bangladesh, it is celebrated on April 14 according to the official amended calendar designed by the Bangla Academy. Pôhela Boishakh is also known as Nôbo Bôrsho, Bengali New Year, as it is the first day of the first month of Boishakh in the Bônggabdo (Bangla Calendar). This day is a very festive time for Bengalis.

Pahela Baishak (Bengali New Year)




national fish- hilsaUnder the Mughals, agricultural taxes were collected according to the Hijri calendar. However, as the Hijri calendar is a lunar calendar, it does not coincide with the harvest. As a result, farmers were hard-pressed to pay taxes out of season. In order to streamline tax collection, the Mughal Emperor Akbar ordered a reform of the calendar. Accordingly, Fatehullah Shirazi, a renowned scholar and astronomer, formulated the Bangla year on the basis of the lunar Hijri and Bangla solar calendars. The new Fasli San (agricultural year) was introduced on 10/11 March 1584, but was dated from Akbar's ascension to the throne in 1556. The new year subsequently became known as Bôngabdo or Bengali year. Celebrations of Pôhela Boishakh started from Akbar's reign. It was customary to clear up all dues on the last day of Choitro. On the next day, or the first day of the new year, landlords would entertain their tenants with sweets. On this occasion there used to be fairs and other festivities. In due course the occasion became part of domestic and social life, and turned into a day of merriment.

The people of India, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos and some other south-eastern Buddhist countries also have programmes on this day. Apart from us, other speakers of Bangla in India, especially in West Bengal, Assam and Tripura consider the day to be a cultural event. The Assamese call it Bihu, the Burmese, Thingyan and The Thai, Songkran. The Burmese and Thai words originate from the Sanskrit word sangkranti. Several ethnic groups in the Chittagong Hill Tracts also celebrate the same day as the beginning of their year. They call it Baisabi-from Baisu, as the Tripuras call it, Marmas call it Sangrayen and the Chakmas know it as Biju. They celebrate the festival as a major socio-cultural event. They have a celebration spanning three days starting from April 12.

Dhaka - the city of Mosque

dhaka mosques

As the city prepares to celebrate its 400 years as the capital of Bengal, a good number of old mosques and some Mughal-era edifices are in a vulnerable state due to ignorance and negligence of the authorities. Once called 'The city of mosques', many of its mosques are now demolished or are left in a tattered shape for constructing new buildings. Structures of mosques and buildings were changed over the years for 'renovation and development' work. "The Mughal mosque structures had unique characteristics because of the riverine features of the city. Those features are lost to a greater extent for river encroachment and filling up of canals to make space for housing and to construct roads," said Dr Abu Sayeed M Ahmed, a conservation architect with vast expertise in mosque architecture.

Noted historian Prof Muntasir Mamoon said the Mughals while building mosques and other structures considered the presence of rivers and water bodies around the city. The surroundings of these structures contained canals and beautiful gardens. In the Mughal period the city was encircled and intertwined by canals like Dholai Khal, Hatirjheel, Begunbari canal and Segunbagicha canal, all of which are now gone or are encroached on by land grabbers.

Use of lime and powdered brick to create a pinkish tone is a prominent feature of Mughal-era mosques in the city. "In Delhi the Mughals used red sand stones, for an example the Red Fort. But in Bengal red sand stones were not abundant, so they invented chun-surki (lime and powdered brick) to replicate the effect of red sand stone. For an example Sat Masjid and Lalbagh Fort," said Dr Sayeed .

Binat Bibi Masjid, the oldest mosque of the city, is now overshadowed by the construction of a new building.

"Built in the 17th century Sat Masjid had Turag River on its three sides. It has four pavilions or kiosks on all corners. The Mughals liked enjoying the view of the river sitting inside a kiosk," said the expert.

After the construction of an embankment the area between the mosque and the river turned into a solid ground and the river-view was lost. Besides, the backdrop of the mosque now contains a six-storey madrasa building constructed breaching the Building Construction Rules 2008 that forbids any new construction within 250 meters of a heritage site (D. Ghias. Daily Star, July 19, 2008).

The history of the Bengali New Year

Most probably the celebration of the Bengali New Year is connected with the Bengali year. In Bengal, Emperor Akbar started the Bengali calender-year on 10 March, 1585, but it became effective from 16 March, 1586 the day of his ascension to the throne. The basis of the Bengali year is the Hejiri lunar year (Muslim era counted from the year of Muhammad's (SM) going to Medina in 622 AD and the Bengali solar year. The Bengali year was accepted even at the grassroot level. A possible reason for this may be that the basis of the Bengali year is agriculture and the beginning of the Bengali year is a time of collection of taxes from the farmers. For instance, the farmer does not plough the field even if it rains in Chaitra (the last month of the Bengali year and corresponding to mid-march to Mid-April. The fields are generally ploughed in the month of Baisakh (April-May) and the prayer for the rains is also because of this. However, the common man still refers to the Bengali calender of his day to day activiites and the city-dwellers to the Juliun calender. In this context, Shamsuzzaman Khan hasrightly remarked that Akbar had once started the pan-Indian Islamic year as well as the Bengali year. "The introduction of Bengali year had not only survived but at one time had also given the unique power of nationalistic feelings and pride to the separated and divided mainly joint Bengali socity."

The New Year begins in different seasons in different countries of the world. The Bengali New Year is in summer. Summer is not a pleasant time in Bangladesh. Festivals and merriments are not as much possible in summer as during the beginning of winter or spring.

Many people believe that the Bengali New Year should have begun in the month of Agrahayan (the eighth month of the Bengali year and corresponds to Mid-November to Mid-December) even considering from the point of agriculture as Agrahayan is, for instance, the month of reaping. Yet New Year is celebrated in Baisakh. Pallab Sengupta writes: "The New Year is calculated either from Hemanta or late autumn (between autumn and winter) or spring, that is from the time when new crops, flowers and fruits start growing. This, at least, was the custom initially. Later, with the passage of time, it shifted to other seasons due to practical necessities. The custom of beginning the year from January 1 or Baisakh 1 is thus quite foolish."

But that mystery has not been unravelled. As our country is located in the Tropics the importance of summer in this region is natural. Moreover, the drying up of the canals, rivers and streams at that time and the acute crisis for water makes the tremendous changes in season easily felt. And then comes the Nor'westers like wild buffaloes throwing everything in complete disorder. The rains start immediately lowering the temperature and making the conditions favourable for ploughing.

In any country the principal festival has been organised with respect to the particular season which has gained importance there. Moreover, the minor seasonal festivals are also regularly held. Bengal has a unique position in this regard. It is clear that its main seasonal festival was in summer. Just as elsewhere in the world, the main seasonal festival have been considered as the New Year festival, the main summer festival of our country is likewise considered as the New Year festival. One feels that the devastating form of nature and the consequent creativity of nature and the consequent creativity of nature that one witnesses in Bangladesh, must have made summer and the summer festivals so important in our ancient culture. Otherwise the New Year celebration and festival of Bangladesh would have been greatly influenced by religion. Our country is largely inhabited by the Hindus, Buddhists, Muslims and Christians but "no particular influence of these religions are observed in our New Year celebrations and festival."

During the last four hundred years, that is after the introduction of the Bengali year by Akbar, many festivals connected probably with agriculture and seasons have become associated with it. And the first of Baisakh gradully changed in this way to become the New Year. To the special features of the Bengali New Year that Enamul Huq has mentioned, we can add here that the Bengali New Year saw the addition of a new political dimension from the 60's of the present century. No season in any other country has such a political aspect.

The most important function of Baisakh and the first day of Baisakh is the fair. The New Year fairs of our country are also nothing but the changed forms of the oldest 'seasonal festivals' and 'agricultural festivals' of Bangladesh. This is because local agricultural products and handicrafts are sold in these fairs even today. According to a survey, about two hundred fairs are organised throughout Bangladesh on the first day and the first week of Baisakh.

It has already been mentioned before that in Bangladesh celebration of the first day of Baisakh began as a part of the cultural movement and it added a new dimension to the political movements. During the regime of Ayub Khan in the late sixties, when attack was made against Rabindra Sangeet (Tagore Song) and the Bengali culture, the Chhayanat group organised a programme of Rabindrasangeet on the first of Baisakh under the banyan tree at Ramna to celebrate the New Year. It was a protest against religious fundamentalism. This endeavour by Chhayanat gradually became popular and in the perspective of the freedom movement the Bengali New Year was celebrated in a grand way as a protest against the ideology of the ruling class. After the independence of Bangladesh, the Bengali New Year was declared as public holiday. Thus with the celebration of the New Year at the grass-root level was added the endeavour of the urban people.

We may conclude that the only secular festival of Bangladesh, in every sense of the term, is the Bengali New Year. Its speciality lies in the fact that in spite of being the festival of a country where the majority are Muslims, it is not melancholic. Although the state has been successful in the other areas it has failed to incorporate the religious factor in this case. Moreover, the New Year still adds a new dimension to the movements against tyranny. Considering all these aspects we can refer to the Bengali New Year as a festival of the world which has rare characteristic (M. Mamun, The Festivals of Bangladesh) .

Honour daughters of the soil:
Geeta Dutt and Suman Kalyanpur

SUMAN KALYANPUR (left), GEETA DUTT (rightMOST Bangladeshis do not know that two famous playback singers of Hindi movies in the 1950s and 1960s, the late Geeta Dutt and Suman Kalyanpur, are Bangladeshi natives. Geeta Dutt (Geeta Ghosh Roy Chowdhuri) was born into a rich Zamindar family in Faridpur on November 23, 1930 and stayed there until 1942. Suman Kalyanpur (Suman Hemadey) was born in Dhaka on January 28, 1937 and lived there until 1943.

Who can forget Geeta's immortal Bengali songs, Tumi Je Amar ("Harano Shur,"1958), Ei Shundar Shwarnali Shandhyay ("Hospital," 1960) and Nishi Raat Baka Chand Akashey. Geeta could sing all types of songs, "soft, snappy, teasing, sad," seductive or western. Geeta developed her talents under the tutelage of Sachin Dev Burman and O. P. Nayyar. Her famous Hindi songs include: Mera Sundar Swapna Beet Gaya, ("Do Bhai," 1947), Babuji Dhire Chalna, ("Aar Paar," 1954), Ae Dil Mujhe Bata De, ("Bhai Bhai," 1956) and Aaj sajan mohe ang lagalo ("Pyasaa," 1957). Geeta's disastrous marriage with the director of "Pyasaa," Guru Dutt, who was in love with Waheeda Rahman, destroyed them both. Guru Dutt committed suicide in 1964; Geeta died of liver cirrhosis on July 20, 1972, at the age of 41!

Harano Sur - Tumi Je amar
Ye Raat Bheegi Bheegi - [UNSEEN] - Geeta Dutt & Bhushan
Nir Choto Hemanta Mukherjee, Geeta Dutt
Prithibi Amare Chai - Nishi raat baka chand, Geeta Dutt
Fagun Jane , Geeta Dutt
Ogo Sundoro , Geeta Dutt
Tumi Je Amar a vuboner , Geeta Dutt
Surjo Dober , Geeta Dutt

Suman sang several memorable duets with Rafi Saab: Parbaton Ke Petron Par, ("Shagun," 1964), classical Ajahunaa Aaye Baalaama, ("Sanjh Aur Saveera," 1964) Aaj Kaal Tere Mere ('Brahmachari," 1968). Other famous Suman Hindi songs include: Na Tum Hamen Jano, ("Baat Ek Raat Ki," 1962), Mere Mehboob Na Ja ("Noor Mahal," 1965) and Sharaabi Sharaabi, ("Noor Jehan," 1967). Thrice, she won the prestigious Sur Sringar Samsad award for the best classical song in a Hindi movie. Suman's Bengali hits include, Tomar Akash Theke, Mone Karo Ami Nei, and Shudhu Swapno Niye (Daily Star. April6, 2008).

Tere Hum O Sanam - Rafi + Suman Kalyanpur
"Muhabbat Kar Lo"-Mohammad Rafi, Geeta Dutt, Suman Kalyanpur
Rafi & Suman Kalyanpur -Saawan Beeta Jaaye-Saanjh Aur Savera
Tumhi mere meet ho(Suman Hemant Pyase Panchhi)
Kishore Kumar, Suman - Mehfil Mein Paimana

Partition of Bengal

Our Bangali cultural nationality is remarkably different from that of the rest of the world in two ways: first, we have a glorious history behind our language, and then, we have a vast treasure of music.there are many types of folk music from bengal baul, keertan, probhati, bhayaiya, dhankatergan, naban nergan, bhatiyali, brishtirgan, tusurgan, kabigan, chatka, murshidi, fakirigan and many more.....baul songs are mostly related in moods of spirituality, deep philosophy, human body and nature. keertan, songs of the vaishnavas. bhatiyali the boat songs of bengal. Also seasonal songs are there like rain songs (brishtirgan) festival songs celebrating the eating (nabannergan) and worship songs for different god and goddess are also a vital place in folk music of Bengal.

THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  BENGALI   LANGUAGE

Unlike the Islamic revivalist movements, popular Islam assimilated many local traditions and naturally became invigorated. The numerous Prophet-oriented folk songs may be taken as an illustration. Among the various Bengali folk songs in which the image of the Prophet is portrayed, the following forms should be noted.

  • Baul songs: The bauls of Bengal belonged to a community of mendicant singers noted for their liberal attitude to all religions. They were influenced both by sufism and vaishnavism (a sort of Hindu mysticism). The nineteenth century was the heyday of the bauls when the famous exponents of baul songs such as Faqir Lalan Shah, (d. 1891) , Panju Shah (b.1851) and Lalan's disciple Duddu Shah flourished (S.M Lutfor Rahman , Bangladeshi Jari Gan, Dacca ,1986).

  • Lalon - Bauls Mysticism
  • Bouls of Bengal

  • Jari Songs: Jari is a kind of dirge, which owes its origin to the tragic events of Medina and Karbala leading to the death of Hazrat Imam Hassan and Hussain. The shia community of South Asia commemorate the events of Karbala in the month of Muharram by singing marsiyas or dirges in Urdu, while jari is its Bengali version.
  • Rain Songs: In the oriental world where agricultural is the principal occupation of the people, proper rainfall is regarded as essential for good harvest. During, drought the peasants find it difficult to use the plough in the field. Under such circumstances, the religious minded people in the countryside pray to god for rain. They often offer their prayer in the form of songs, which can be called songs to invite rain, or simply rain songs. Unlike the baul and jari songs, much information about contemporary social, economic, or political conditions are not available from the rain songs.
  • Sarigaan :Sari (or Shaeri) songs are associated with boat races. Boat races used to be a popular pastime in East Bengal during the monsoon months. Village youths would draw immense courage, determination and pleasure to take part and win in the races. Large crowds would gather along the banks of the river to celebrate the occasions. Boats would be gracefully prepared with colorful decorations. Before the race began, and sometimes after it was completed, festivitivities continued all day long with sing-a-song-sing-along sarigaan.

    However, religious beliefs of the rural people are captured in these songs, which were often influenced by sufism. The sufi notion of creation owes its origin to the philosophical ideas of al-Farabi and Ibn Sina who tried to establish a connection between the divine light (nur) and the intellect, the former being communicated to the latter at the first instance by the prime cause, the Creator. The nur is the light of the sun around which everything revolves. And around this nuclear concept of nur , the Sufis developed the doctrine of nur-i-Muhammadi, believed to have been created before all things.

    It is significant to remember in this context that in the same period the bauls of Bengal were also singing songs on the concept of nur-i-Muhammadi , presenting the Prophet Muhammad and his mediatorship of creation as a source of authority

    In doing so, the bauls were probably responding in a subconscious way to the missionary enterprise aiming at enhancing the status of Jesus Christ and Christianity as compared to Islam and its Prophet. It may be mentioned here that the north Indian Muslim religious group called the Barelwis, who also had a rural base responded to the missionary challenge in a similar fashion by focusing on the sufi doctrine of nur-i-Muhammadi as a source of authority (S.M Lutfor Rahman , Bangladeshi Jari Gan, Dacca ,1986).

    Vaisnava perception not only influenced the jari singers, but the bauls as well. According to the baul philosophy, the Prophet Muhammad, Krishna and Chaitanya, have become both man and superman because of His sudden touch. In other words, the bauls regard Muhammad, Krishna and Chaitanya as God incarnate.
    As Radha is inseparable from Krishna who is the incarnation of God, similarly Fatima is also inseparable from Allah, being the beloved daughter of Muhammad who is the incarnation of God. Both Radha and Fatima enjoy a loftier position in the mystical tradition of Bengal. Both are also women, and it is not surprising that the bauls pose themselves as women because they believe that true love can only be experienced by transforming oneself into a woman. From this concept stemmed their idea of Shain or the Man of the Heart who is also the eternal Beloved of the sufi tradition.
    In the imagination of the Muslim mystic poet Radha (the beloved of Lord Krishna) appears as Fatima and Krishna as Allah.

    When scholars talk about nineteenth century Bengal Renaissance, they use lofty words for Rammohun Roy and others for their rationalist thinking or the spirit of enquiry. These scholars seldom shift their focus from urban to rural Bengal to explore the likes of Lalan Shah, a contemporary of Rammohun. Lalan did not receive western education unlike many of his urban counterparts. But many of his songs revealed a spirit of enquiry which was significant in its own way and which often went to the extent of challenging the established order. For example, Lalan once attacked the shariati Muslims by singing (Lutfor Rahman ed. Lalan Giti Chayan, Dhaka, 1985) :

    If shariat is the only way to salvation then why did the Prophet spend fifteen years in the solitary cave of Hira for meditation? It is said that those who do not perform the prayer and fasting are subject to punishment on the Day of Judgement. It should be remembered that the merciful Prophet did not perform the prayer during the first forty years of his life

    From time immemorial, Bangladesh has earned a reputation as the high quality producer of handloom, especially muslin. Poets of the Mughal Durbar (court) likened our muslins to Baft hawa (woven air), Abe rawan (running water) and Shabnam (morning dew). So fine was its texture and quality that it was said to be woven with the thread of the winds and the Greek and the Roman texts mention the Gangetic muslins as one of the most coveted luxury items.

    Green and yellow my paddy sways its shoots tenderly
    It calls me every day as I stand by the roadside.
    It stalks touching and kissing and parting in the breeze.

    • O Blind Cloud, You are my Brother!
    Give a little more rain so that we may eat good rice

    An ancient Bengali mystic poet describes:

    The mind is a tree, the five senses are its branches.
    Hope bears fruits and leaves in abundance.

    One who does not know the mystery
    of this tree's growth and destruction.
    Fool is he to have to come back again and again
    in samasara to receive pain.
    (From Cayapada 45, Kanhupada, Raga Mallari)

    Hasan Raja and others

  • Ishq Kameena - aishwarya rai vs Hason Raja
  • Jamiroquai vs Hason Raja: corner of the earth
  • Krishno Krishno
  • O garial bhai bhawai music
  • Krishno aylo

    		•

    Bhaoaia: A popular folk music of north Bangla especially of Rangpur and Dinajpur districts. Bhaoaia is derived from the word Bhao or Bhab which means mood. Bhaoaya actually originated in the Malsi region: greater Bogra and Rajshahi districts including Naogaon sub division (except Raninagar and Atrai PSs). The name Malsi is derived from the malsi raag.

    Gombhira region: This region includes Rajshahi town, Nababganj and Natore sub division (except Singra, Borai and Gurudaspur PSs). Gombhira means ‘little room’. This was the meaning associated witht the word Gombhira in ancient Bangla literature.

    Origin: Gombhira was originated in the Maldaha district of West Bangla. The subject matter of gombhira is primarily the review of the main events of the year. Traditionally gombhira music festival takes place during the last three days of the last month of Bangla calendar (Chaitra). During the festival the lead singer sings about the major events of the year.

    Barashe region: Barashe is popular in the Gombhira region as well as in Khulna, Jessore, Faridpur and Kushtia districts. Bareshe music is about the rain and its principal theme is love.

    Pala region: Pala songs evolved between 13th to 16th centuries.

    Pala Gaan



    Pala gaan is a traditional Bangalee folk theatre. It evolved as a performance genre in the greater Mymensingh district of East Bangla. Due to its secular nature, this particular folk theatre is popular among the Bangalee rural populace across the border and collectively sponsored and subscribed by both the Hindus and the Muslims. It is an essential component of all the major rural festivals especially those that are celebrated during the dry seasons. As a traditional Bangalee folk theatre, Pala gaan is performed by a group of performers. The bayati (the lead narrator) leads a Pala gaan troupe and five to eight choral singers/musicians (dohar and pail) play traditional such as harmonium and dhol (drum) and indigenous such as judi, kathi, and dotara instruments.

    The performance of Pala gaan constitutes two distinctive parts: bandana (invocation) and main body of performance. The bandana is rendered by the lead narrator with dohars singing choral refrain and music. The bandana is usually addressed to Allah, prophet, the sun god in the east and Himalayas in the north, Mecca is the west, sea in the south, saint, mythical heroes and spectators. After the end of bandana, the lead narrator begins the main body or the story of Pala gaan. The features of main body of performance are as follows: A stage performance by Mahua Shilpigoshthi Narrative performance in lyric: the bayati describes events of his narrative in lyric accompanied by the dohars playing music and singing choral passages. Usually the bayati’s assistant, known as the daina, heightens the effect of the song by singing a few words embellishing the action described in the song. As he sings, the bayati also dances and enacts what is described in the song. Often he embodies the characters by rearranging his costume. Narrative performance in prose: interspersed between the lyrical passages are sections of improvised prose rendered solely by the bayati. In those passages he describes parts of action and renders words spoken by the characters accompanied by appropriate gestures and movements. He also rearranges his costume and uses a few props to depict the character.

    Dialogic performance in prose: the bayati switches from narrative to dialogic performance with the help of the daina. In these prose passages the daina remains seated in his position without effecting any costume change, but the bayati rearranges his costume to portray the character and applies gestures and movements necessary to enact the action. Often he also uses props such as a pillow, a pair of sunglasses or a rope etc. As a rule, the bayati always enacts the main characters and leads the scene while the daina supports him with brief statements. The performers always improvise all these passages of dialogue. According to the scholars of folk theatre there are seventy narratives performed in Bangladesh as forms of pala gaan. Kamala Ranir Sagar Dighi is one of the most popular oral legends in Bangladesh.

    It's back to the roots. Several groups of youth in the country have launched a concerted effort to popularise the important chapters of Mymensingh Geetika (indigenous compilation of the great bards). Among the facets of Mymensingh Geetika that they have staged are Mahua Sundari, Malua Sundari, Dewana Madina, Chandrabati, Kajol Rekha, Velua Sundari, Sonai Madhab and Kamala Ranir Sagar Dighi. These literary works have been promoted by Mahua Shilpigoshthi, a cultural organisation, for the last few years.

    Nowadays, such significant palas (folk plays) are being ignored at the face of the advent of many modern sources of entertainment including the satellite television, said Palakar Mrinal Dutta, an advocate and the chief artiste of Mahua Shilpigoshthi. "As a nation's culture gives it an identity, traditional culture should not be over looked. For this reason we have launched the mission to preserve our heritage. Quality performances of folk plays can draw a huge audience which has been proven over and over again. However, in many cases, due to lack of support we face financial crises and are unable to stage our shows on a regular basis," he added. Afzalur Rahman Bhuiyan, professor of Bangla Department of Government Ananda Mohan College, told The Daily Star that all the palas of Mymensingh Geetika depict Bangalee society hundreds of years ago when people lived in peace and harmony. (Daily Star, February, 2005).

    Purbabanga-Gitika, Eastern Bengal Ballads

  • Jasimuddin- Poet of the people of Bangladesh- A film by Khan Ata 1978

    The ballads were collected from Mymensingh, Netrakona, Chittagong, Noakhali, Faridpur, Sylhet and Tripura. The main collectors of these ballads include Chandra Kumar De, Dinesh Chandra Sen, Ashutosh Chaudhuri, Jasim Udin, Nagendrachandra Dey, Rajanikanta Bhadra, Bihari Lal Roy and Bijay Narayan Acharya.

    Dr. Dinesh chandra Sen, long time Ramtanu lahari Professor of Calcutta University (1866-1939) contributed much to folk lore of Bengal (Calcutta, 1920):

    "In this present treatise I have for the first time brought to the notice of the scholars considerable materials about bengali folk-tales chiefly those current amongst the Mohmedans of the Lowe Gangetic valley.

    It has been a surprise to us to find the stories of Rupamala, Kanchamala, Madhumala, Puspamala, etc. are not only the heritage of Hindu children but also their Moslem cousins who have been listening to these nursery and fairy tales, recited to them by their grandmotheers, from a remote historical period

    The Hindu Budhhhistic convert who gave their faith in the older religions did not forego their attachment to these folktales in which legend of Buddhist and Hindu gods are sometimes closely intermix (Folk Literature of Bengal( Calcutta, 1915)

    Dinesh Chandra Sen's monumental work, four volumes I Ballads from Estern Bengal, contains the bulk of popular ballads (Mahua, Chndravati, Kamala, Dewan Bhavna, Kenaram,Rupavati, Kanaka and Lilia, Kajal Rekha, and Dewan Madina. still current in oral tradition of Bangladesh (Eastern Bengal) These volumes are highly appreciated by Maurice Materlinck, Sylvian Levy, gegorge Grieson, Rabinranath Tagore and other because of its literary excellence (Asutosh, Calcutta 1936). The ballads are are sung in the district of Mymensingh generally by Muhamedans and low cast Hindus... The minstrel or chief singer is called gyan.

    Except Kenram, all the ballads are based on love episodes. All four volumes contain exhaustive analysis of the historical, sociological and cultural background of East Bengal, along with notes and explanations (Eastern Bengal Ballads: Mymensingh, Calcutta 1923)

    Dr. Dinesh Chandra Sen in the first volume presented a popular kind of song called Baromasi or the songs of twelve months are given mostly by a woman whose husband is away from home.

    Prof. W. Sutton,University of London writes in a review:
    They are in themselves worthy of a high place in Bengali literature and in the treasury of ballad literature of the world.


    		•
    Baul region: Greater Kushtia, Jessore and Khulna (except the Sundarban area such as Rampal, Saronkhola, Morelganj, Paikegachha, Dakopa and Shyamnagar), Faridpur (except Madaripur and Shariatpur sub divisions), Jamalpur (except Sribordi, Jhariagati, Nakla, Dewanganj, Sherpur and Nolitabari), Sylhet town (except Jayantia and Gorainghat), Maulabhibazar, Chhatak, jagannathpur, Sunamganj, Hobiganj, Chunarughat and Nobinganj. It is spiritual songs of a particular religious community known as Baul. Many experts believe that the word baul was derived from the word Aulia which means saint. Baul music was deeply influenced by the thoughts of Sri Chaitanna and its themes are mainly borrowed from Charyapada.

    Bhatiali region:
    Origin: the marsh lands of Sylhet and Mymensingh districts. These are the songs of the river. Boats were the primary communication of East Bangla. The boatmen always sing while rowing. The songs of boatmen are called bhatiali.

    Royani region: Greater Barisal, Patuakhali and Madaripur and Shariatpur districts of greater Faridpur. Based on the sagas of Chand Saodagar, Lakkhindar and Behula and composed to praise the greatness of Monosa debi. Some believe that Royani may have derived from the word Rajani which means night as the Royani songs goes on for all night.

    Murshidi, Marfoti and Maijbhandari: Greater Chittagong (except Ukhia and Teknaf), Noakhali and Comilla (except Chandpur, Matlob, Daudkandi, Homna and Brahmanbaria)

    Tribal music region: The music of the tribal people. Whole of Chittagong Hill Tracts, Ukhia and Teknaf of Chittagong district; Taherpur, Jayantia and Goainghat of Sylhet district; Kamalakanda, Durgapur, Haluaghat, Jhariagati, Nalitabar and Sribordi of Mymensingh district and Madhupur of Tangail district

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    Folk Research in East Pakistan, Indiana, USA

    2. Folk songs, culture, heritage now receding

    traditional folk audienceThe traditional Bangla folk songs of the greater Mymensingh region are going to be extinct as folk singers have been leading a miserable life due to absence of patronisation from any circle. There are innumerable folk-songs sung by the rural people and singers in different parts of the region. The true picture of the people of the region comes to light in the soft strains of Bhatiali, Shari, Jari, Baul, Murshidi, Punthi Gan and many other such forms of folk songs. Folk culture of the region is also on the wane although it is expression of the totality of rural life from rice husking, sticking quilts, making cakes, harvesting of crops, boat oaring manifesting the active life of the village folk.

    Folk lore, folksongs and folktales are the integral part of the folk culture and tradition of simple rustic masses. The folk songs are an indispensable part of our folk culture, basing on rural as well as national beauty and oriental myths fascinate the audience through their lucid melody. Poets and lyricists of the locality usually compose the reflections of the nature with great empathy of joys and sorrows, woe and bliss, passion and peace. It is observed that the relation between human beings and nature is eternal as like as relation between nature and folk music.

    Nature here is adorned with seasons and every-seasons adds new enchantment to her changing beauty. Summer enriches nature of the region with different local fruits . Nature in the season becomes hot while the rainy season comes here with different colours. The green on the earth darkness, the clouds begin to swell and roar and frogs croak with full-throated each day and night as rain pours on. Peasants use to go to their fields and fishermen to the water bodies with the tune of mystic natures songs.

    With the arrival of Autumn, nature again takes a new turn. Gentle breeze begins to blow and peasants go to fields and sow seeds. It is prelude to a new life full of vigour and joy. Then comes the harvesting season. Rural people celebrate each season especially the harvesting one with dances and songs. Winter comes with rich worm and sunlight, the leaves of trees began to fall as such the nature gets ready to give birth to a new season spring.

    The flower blooms and one feels that the Nature is breathing a new life after the Winter. It is spring which is said the season of mirth and joy, songs and music celebration and festivals. However folk music like nature in this region is also varied and beautiful that it is difficult to remain insenate to its appeals. As it is very much a culture of each and everywhere of the region the people here have been obsessed by folk music invites earnest fervour. Songs were invited by the rich people and well-to-do people on different occasions and used to enjoy songs and singers to get handsome remuneration which they could run their livelihood.

    But the old culture is overwhelmingly shattered by electronic appliances like television, video cassette player and satellite television. Most people now-a-days are least interested in listening the traditional songs as perhaps these have had a lack of real portrayal of diverse aspects of lives and no new dimension could be added with the changing circumstances by the singers.

    We also have failed to uphold our traditional culture in the electronic media world with positive manners. As a consequence of all these, the earnings of them declined sharply and they have been passing hard days. Local devotees and elite opined that in order to know the folk culture people must know the folk songs and village folks. It is only when succeed in painting on our minds canvass the picture of what influences in moulding their life pattern. Shall we not in truth, be able to know of the folk culture and tradition, in short, the folk heritage? (The Bangladesh Observer, December 4, 2004).

    A lalon Song
    Lalon Shah, Singer: Kumar Bishwajit
    Lalon tomar---Salma moulik gaan

    'Ghatu Gaan': In dire need of preservation
    Ghatu gaan depicts various aspects of life of the common people

    gatugan performenceGhatu Gaan (folk song) an element of traditional Bengali culture has almost gone into oblivion. Once it was popular in Mymensingh region, especially in Mymensingh, Netrokona and Kishoreganj districts. Now it is an antiquated art form for the younger generation though the nostalgic elders cling to its memory. Ghatu gaan depicts various aspects of life of the common people. The chorus, led by a young boy dressed up as a teenaged girl called 'Ghatu', homes in on the sorrows and happiness of the masses.

    The Ghatu Gaan, like other indigenous sources of entertainment such as Kabi gaan, Jari gaan, Shari gaan, Pala gaan, Baul songs and jatra pala, used to draw a large audience. It was performed widely in Trishal, Bhaluka, Gouripur and Iswarganj of Mymensingh; Khaliajuri, Mohanganj and Madan of Netrokona; Mithamoin of Kishoreganj and the haor areas of the two latter districts. In Mymensingh, Ghatu Gaan was performed mainly in the winter season while in haor areas the rainy season was an opportune time as the haor people were out of work, being inundated by flood water.

    From a book written by Mohammed Abdus Sattar, titled Folklore and Culture of Greater Mymensingh, it is learnt that Ghatu Gaan is performed by a group accompanied by instruments like drum, mandira, khanjani, bamboo flute, wooden chatti and harmonium. A young man, dressed as a girl with long hair, wearing string of bells (ghungroo) round the ankles and a coloured handkerchief in hand performs the lead role. The senior artiste who plays the commanding role is called 'Shakhin' in Mymensingh, Bayati in Netrokona and 'Sarker' in Kishoreganj. The artistes in the chorus are called 'Pail', 'Dohar' and 'Bahari' in different areas of this region.

    The zamindars of this region, aficionados of the local culture, extended patronage to Ghatu Gaan and such programmes were held round the year especially in the moonlit nights of Bhadro when the people in remote areas enjoyed a respite from the floods. However, such performances are very rare now. In recent years the Ghatu chorus is seen only on the completion of construction work of the buildings' roofs in the district town and other places of the district. "Once Ghat Gaan was the main source of entertainment for village dwellers and even townspeople. Today the cable TV has invaded our traditional culture and pushed it on the road to extinction," said 85-year-old Sohrab Hossain, of village Char Gobindapur in Sadar upazila.

    Another fan of this art form is Patit Paban Saha, a small vendor in the district town. "In my youth I enjoyed Ghatu Gaan. It was a good source of entertainment and even the village women enjoyed it. We should preserve this rich cultural heritage for our future generations," said Patit. Likewise, Afzalur Rahman Bhuiyan, a professor of Bengali Department, Government Ananda Mohan College, told The Daily Star that while Bengalis are getting westernised and reeling from the assault on their traditional culture, we should keep in mind, a civilised nation always remember its roots (Daily Star, August 26, 2006).

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    3. Pat-chitra culture

    pato-chtra by r. chakrobortiPotchitro or story telling through depicting images on canvas has always been a traditional form of art and entertainment. The trail goes a long way back to the Middle Ages when story telling was an important form of entertainment in Bengal. Poets told tales of gods, saints and the virtuous, of kings and queens, through their writings. Artists portrayed these verses through colours and motifs. The age-old folk art survived centuries to tell the tale. It still continues to entertain the art enthusiasts.

    The exhibition displays 45 pieces of Raghunath's work depicting everyday life of the rural people and the popular motifs of Bengal. Raghunath Chakravarty does not have any academic training. He did however found inspiration from his mother and later on from renowned potchitro artist Shambhu Acharya. The stroke of the brush came to him naturally.

    “I learned from my mother. She used to paint potchitro and decorate the house with alpona whenever there was an occasion”, he said. “From then on I had colours in my mind. I just started to compose in my head and started with a brush one day”, he added.

    Raghunath however personalised the art. From religious stories he moved on to everyday life of the rural people. From traditional practice of story telling on clay pots he moved to canvas. “I find it more attractive the lives of the ordinary folks, everyday struggle, the beauty of the rural landscape”, said Raghunath. Raghunath's favourite theme is the eternal love between mother and child. In his work the theme keep coming back along with boat race, the weavers and the carpenters at work, rural wife's cooking preparation, the bangles seller lady, women fetching water, ethnic women at work and many more (S. Parveen, October 24, 2007).

    Manasa Mangal ritual

    patManasa Mangal, (Bipradas Pipalai 1545 AD) a medieval Bengali classic about the serpent-goddess Manasa. These stories related to mythology are the main elemnets of the Pat-chitra culture.

    Patuas, like the kumars, started out in the village tradition as painters of scrolls or pats telling the popular mangal stories of the gods and goddesses. For generations these scroll painters or patuas have gone from village to village with their scrolls or pat singing stories in return for money or food. Many come from the different villages of Bengal. The pats or scrolls are made of sheets of paper of equal or different sizes which are sown together and painted with ordinary poster paints. Originally they would have been painted on cloth and used to tell religious stories such as the medieval mangal poems. Today they may be used to comment on social and political issues such as the evils of cinema or the promotion of literacy.

    Mangal kavyas are auspicious poems dedicated to rural deities and appear as a distinctive feature of medieval Bengali literature. Mangals can still be heard today in rural areas of West Bengal often during the festivals of the deities they celebrate, for example Manasa puja in the rainy season during July-August when the danger of snake bite is at its peak. Interestingly, it is the mangal stories connected with this particular art form that provide us with some of the earliest clues about the worship of clay images in Bengal.

    The two most famous poems in this respect are the Chandi Mangal and the Manasa Mangal. In the Chandi Mangal of the Bengali poet Mukundarama Chakravarti (16th c), known as Kavikankana, the village goddess Chandi takes on the form of the Puranic deity Mahisasuramarddini (Durga) before the startled eyes of the hunter Kalketu and his wife.

    durgaChandika took the form of Mahisasuramarddini In eight directions the Ashtanayikas shone forth
    Her right foot rested on the back of a lion
    Her left foot on the back of the demon Mahisha
    With her left hand she held Mahisha's hair
    With her right hand she placed her trident in his chest
    On her left side shone her matted locks
    Her headress encompassed the whole circle of the sky
    Bracletes and armlets adorned her ten arms
    In this form she receives puja from the whole world
    A noose, a goad, bell, mace and bow
    These five weapons gleam in her five left hands
    A sword, discus, trident, spear and brightly-shining arrows
    In her right hands gleam these weapons
    To her left is Karttikeya, to her right Ganesa
    Above, Shiva rides on the head of a bull
    To her right is Laksmi, to the left Sarasvati
    Facing her, deities sing various hymns
    Her limbs outshine molten gold
    The colour of her three eyes outcolours blue lotuses
    And her face outshines the autumnal moon.
    (Kavikankana Chandi)

    What this mangal poem hints at is that the style of Durga images seen today in the clay images of Bengal was already popular in the 16th c. Durga is popularised as the beleagured wife of the farmer god Shiva. She may be the mighty awe-inspiring goddess who kills demons, but she is also the compassionate mother or Ma and the devoted daughter who returns home during the autumnal festival of Durgotsava. Throughout mangal literature, the village deities are shown as very accessible figures who communicate freely with mortals and share their griefs and delights.

    manasa pat manasa pat

    Tha main part of the mangal concerns the fate of Lakhindar and his bride Behula. Manasa warns that Lakhindar will die on their wedding night. So Chando has an iron room built to keep out any snakes that might kill his only son. However, Manasa persuades the architect to leave a gap big enough for one of her deadliest snakes to squeeze through at night and bite Lakhindar as he sleeps. Behula wakes up too late to help her newly-wed husband.

    In this pat the snake goddess Manasa sends a poisonous snake to kill the hero Lakhindar while his wife Behula looks on helplessly. The iron room made to protect them on their wedding night proves useless.
    The distraught Behula scolds Chando for his quarrel with Manasa and returns her wedding gifts. Instead of cremating her husband's body and scattering his ashes in the river as is the Hindu custom, she sets off downriver in a desperate bid to persuade to gods to revive her husband so that she avoids the fate of being made a young widow

    Manasa pat shows how Behula sets off downriver on a raft made of banana bark carrying her husband's corpse on her lap hoping to persuade the gods to revive Lakhindar. On the way she meets the fisherman Goda who taunts her but Behula replies that she worships only the mother Manasa and she floats off again downstream. Further on, she visits the city of the gods where she meets the gods Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva who are impressed by her skills as a dancer and washerwoman to the gods. Shiva decides to persuade Manasa to revive Lakhindar and his six brothers in return for persuading Chando to worship the snake goddess.

    The Snake Litanies

    About ten kilometers to the south of Rangpur, in the village of Fatehpur the widows have a tradition of singing these songs about Manasa, or snakes. It is said that not everybody can appreciate this art. After receiving the letter from my friend Nurunnabi Shanto, I got the strong desire to go and see this performance by the widows. I was particularly excited because I had never before seen women perform this Manasa Mangal ritual. And yet, Manasa naturally seems like a woman's territory. But in the performances that I had seen before, there were no actual women. The female roles were played by men. So why were the women of Rangpur an exception? A hundred possible explanations came to my mind; I couldn't decide. I couldn't wait to visit Fatehpur village. But the first thing on my pre-set itinerary was visiting Pirojpur, Bagerhat. My Rangpur trip then, had to come later.








    Behula

    manasaBehula is the heroine in the Bangla epic of Manasamangal. Manasamangal was written between the thirteenth and eighteenth centuries. Though its religious purpose is that to glorify the Hindu goddess of Manasa, it is more well known for depicting the love story of Behula and her husband Lakhindar. Lakhindar's father angers Manasa, who causes Lakhindar to be bitten by a snake on his wedding night, though he and Behula are enclosed in an iron made house. Behula sails alone with her husband's dead body on a boat. She finally appeases the goddess and brings Lakhindar back to life. Behula continues to fascinate the Bengali mind, both in Bangladesh and West Bengal. She is often seen as the archetypal Bengali woman, full of love and courage.

    In Hinduism, Manasa is a naga and goddess of fertility. She is popularly known as the goddess of wish fulfilment and one who protects against snakebite. She is also associated with the earth and higher knowledge. Though she is venerated mostly in eastern India. She is probably a pre-Aryan goddess but this tale is of more recent vintage and comes from Bengal where she is most revered and tells how she gained recognition for herself as a potent member of the Hindu pantheon.

    When Manasa approached Chand, he refused to worship her. This infuriated Manasa, and she killed all his sons. After this event, Chand's wife Sonika gave birth to their seventh son Lakhinder (also referred as Bala). Manasa's wrath had not been pacified even by the time when Lakhinder's marriage to Bihula was fixed.

    She vowed to kill him on the Suhaag Raat (The night after wedding, when bride and groom sleep together for the first time). To counter the threat, Chand planned to construct an iron room for Lakhinder's Suhaag Raat. However, Manasa threatened the blacksmith as well, and asked him to keep a small pinhole in the room. As nobody noticed this hole, In the night, Manasa sent a very thin snake to enter the room through the pinhole. Once inside the room, this snake turned into a Cobra and bit Lakhinder, killing him instantaneously. Bihula overcame grief and built a boat to go to Heaven to present this injustice to gods. Lakhinder was then revived by the gods. During the return from Heaven, Bihula managed to persuade Chand to worship Manasa. Chanda grudgingly agreed to worship her with his left hand. To this day, Manasa is the only Hindu goddess worshipped by the left hand. In the Anga region, she is also known as Bishahari and worshipped to prevent snake-bite related deaths. The boat created by Bihula was made up of jute straws (Manjusha) and paper. This led to development of Manjusha art, which is now on verge of extinction.



    Royani:
    Royani is the music of Manasas. It is the music of Behula.” At Meeradi's words I come back to the topic of Manasa, she seemed to make perfect sense. Of course, the songs were about the two women- Manasa and Behula. Both of these women have had to overcome many obstacles to be well respected in society. Men do not understand the pain and anguish these women have had to go through. One woman has many forms-the mother, the daughter, the sister.The whole performance was about the self-image and self-perception of these women. In that way, the show was kind of autobiographical.

    The whole performance is about singing and dancing. And throughout the performance the women of the whole village tirelessly performed the whole night, but in a manner as mundane as their lives. There were no frills. It seemed as though the show was inseparable from their lives- it was nothing special. For these women, performing is not much different from doing everyday chores like cooking. They all routinely get up to make rafts out of tree trunks as if they have done this many times before. Behula and Lakhshmindar get up on the raft and sail off. Lakhshimdar had been bitten, and bite victims must be put on a raft and sent away. Behula accompanied him as a perfectly virtuous wife. At this point in the performance, we feel the pain of Behula. The story of Behula is well known in Bangladesh. But this performance opens ones eyes to other things. Other sociocultural aspects come through in the way the performance unfolds, that one cannot understand from just casually hearing about the story. My experience at Rangpur was unique. The evening did shed light on the lives of these women, what songs mean to them and their lives (Simon Zakaria, Daily Star, July 21, 2007).

    ...The Bridal Chamber of Behula is stand in the south 2 k.m. from Mohaastan garh, Rangpur, Bangladesh.

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    A tradition which ridicules the clash of civilisations

    The Legend of Gazi

    kali strides over shiva
    Gazi Pir was a Muslim saint who is said to have spread the Islamic religion in Bengal. According to local myth, he could control dangerous animals and make them harmless and gentle. He is shown riding a fearsome Bengal tiger while holding a poisonous snake in his hand without coming to any danger. He also battled with the crocodiles who were a constant threat to the people of the area called the Sunderbans, the watery jungle where the river Ganges meets the sea. Through his influence over all of these animals, he is said to have made it possible for people to live and farm in that jungle and people still pray to him to protect them while they go about their daily chores.

    When we talk about patchitra, first of all, the images of Kalighater pats come in our mind. This genre of painting developed in the nineteenth century which flourished in the market places around the Kalighat Mandir on the bank of the Ganges in Kolkata. But according some historians, older than the Kalighater pat were Gazir pats which most probably emerged around the 16th century. Unlike the Kalighater pat, the uniqueness of Gazir pat is of profound importance and influence in the history of painting and literature in Bengal both in subject and form. The scroll paintings of Gazir pat (pat meaning cloth), present the valour of legendary figure Gazi Pir, who was respected and worshiped as a warrior-saint.

    Gazir Pir is not mentioned in history, according to some scholars, the Muslim saint Gazi, might have appeared around the 15th century and seemed to be related to the rise of Sufism in Bengal. Islam Gazi, a Muslim general, served Sultan Barbak (1459-74) in Delhi and conquered Orissa and Kamrup (now Assam). Towards the end of the 16th century, Shaikh Faizullah praised the valour and spiritual qualities of this general in his verse Gazi Bijoy, the victory of Gazi.

    To the worshipers of Gazi, this warrior-saint protected his devotees from attacks of wild animals and demons in the forests. In Bangladesh, particularly, in the regions of the Sundarban, the story and images of Gazi Pir had earned much popularity among the forest dwellers, like woodcutters, beekeepers and others. These communities still believe in the supernatural powers of the Pir and utter his name when they venture in to the forest. In the plains, Gazi is worshiped as the protector against demons and harmful deities and saves them from all sorts of dangers. The villagers usually call the gayens or folksingers, who know the story of Gazi Pir to sing the saint? praise

    The singers·preaching created a demand for the pats among the devotees, irrespective of caste, creed and community and the pats had gained a huge popularity in the rural areas across the country, in the early years. Traditionally, the singers were Muslims while the patuas belonged to the Hindu religion. Sadly, at present, this combined form of art, paintings on pats and rendering of Gazir praise, has lost its purpose as a savoir from evil.

    Until the recent past, the narration of the story of Gazi Pir with the help of a Gazir pat was a popular form of entertainment in rural areas, especially in greater Dhaka, Mymensingh, Sylhet, Comilla, Noakhali, Faridpur, Jessore, Khulna and Rajshahi.

    Gazir pat has specific images painted on a single canvas which have remained unchanged through the centuries. These images have been honoured as sacred symbols of good omen. There are twenty seven panels in a traditional Gazir pat, which measures 60 inches X 22 inches. The ankaiya (painter) follows the traditional styles in depicting the images. In the twenty-seven panels, the ankiya draws the images of a shimul tree; a cow; drum to depict triumph of Kalu Gazi; sawdagar or merchant; a deer being slaughtered; Asha or hope, the symbol of Gazi; Kahelia; Andura and Khandura; tiger; umbrella in the hand of Gazi? disciple; Suk and Sari birds sitting on the umbrella; Lakhmi; charka, the spinning wheel; two witches; goala or milkman; mother of the goala; a cow and a tiger; an old woman beautifying herself; Baksila; Ganga; Jamdut; Kaldut; mother of Jam raja; and in the centre Gazi riding on a tiger. The singer or singers narrate sometimes the night long story, pointing at the characters, which appear in the twenty seven panels of the pat.

    gazir patRed and blue are the two pigments mainly used in the pats. There are slight variations of colour, with crimson and pink from red, and grey and sky-blue from blue. Every figure is flat and two-dimensional. In order to bring in variety, various abstract designs (such as diagonal, vertical and horizontal lines and small circles) are often used. Trees, Gazi? mace, the tasbih or prayer beads, birds, deer, hookahs etc, are extremely stylised. The figures of Gazi, his disciples Kalu and Manik Pir, Jama? (the Hindu god of death) messengers, etc appear rigid and lifeless. Though there is no attempt at realism in the images of Gazir pats, the sort of painting has a time value as primitive work.

    Gazir Gan songs to a legendary saint popularly known as Gazi Pir. Gazi songs were particularly popular in the districts of faridpur, noakhali, chittagong and sylhet. They were performed for boons received or wished for, such as for a child, after a cure, for the fertility of the soil, for the well-being of cattle, for success in business, etc. Gazi songs would be presented while unfurling a scroll depicting different events in the life of Gazi Pir. On the scroll would also be depicted the field of Karbala, the Ka'aba, Hindu temples, etc. Sometimes these paintings were also done on earthenware pots.

    The lead singer or gain, wearing a long robe and a turban, would twirl an asa and move about in the performance area and sing. He would be accompanied by drummers, flautists and four or five dohars or choral singers, who would sing the refrain.

    Gazi songs were preceded by a bandana or hymn, sung by the main singer. He would sing: 'I turn to the east in reverence to Bhanushvar (sun) whose rise brightens the world. Then I adore Gazi, the kind-hearted, who is saluted by Hindus and Mussalmans'. Then he would narrate the story of Gazi's birth, his wars with the demons and the evil spirits, as well as his rescue of a merchant at sea. Although Gazi Pir was a Muslim, his followers included people from other religious communities as well. Many Gazi songs point out how people who did not respect him were punished. At least one song narrates how Gazi Pir saved the peasantry from the oppression of a zamindar. Another song describes how a devotee won a court case. In Gazi songs spiritual and material interests are often intertwined. The audience give money in charity in the name of Gazi Pir. This genre of songs is almost extinct in Bangladesh today. [Ashraf Siddiqui] The tradition of Gazir pat can be traced back to the 7th century. It is also possible that the scroll paintings of Bangladesh are linked to the traditional pictorial art of continental India of the pre-Buddhist and pre-Ajanta epochs, and of Tibet, Nepal, China and Japan of later times.

    Scroll showing scenes from the Legend of Gazi, c 1800 AD One of the most striking exhibits in the current British Museum exhibition Myths of Bengal is the beautiful Gazi scroll - not just for its rich colours and vivid figures, but because it illustrates the enriching coexistence of two of the world's great faiths. Images of Hindus making puja offerings are juxtaposed with those of Muslims making similar offerings at the tombs of their saints (pirs). It shows how a remarkable, syncretic culture emerged in which the tombs of many pirs became places of pilgrimage for both Hindus and Muslims.

    The syncretism is also evident in the Bengali tradition of bauls, itinerant singers who came from both faiths and used the same songs, full of the yearning of the humble man for God. These songs were a great inspiration to the Bengali Hindu poet Rabindranath Tagore (whose paintings are also on show at the British Museum) and expressed the same sentiments found in both religious traditions. The national anthems of the predominantly Muslim country of Bangladesh and the predominantly Hindu country of India were both written by Tagore.

    In his most recent book, Identity and Violence, Amartya Sen, a Bengali, describes how civilisations are built on the exchange and encounter of different cultural traditions. It is both an impoverishment and a deeply dangerous development to recast the identity of regions in terms of just one faith. He cites Tagore, who described his family background as a "confluence of three cultures, Hindu, Mohammedan and British".

    Bengal has been one of the world's great melting pots, perhaps the place where east has met west for the longest period of settled coexistence. For more than 200 years it was at the heart of Britain's power in India, and Calcutta was the second city of the British empire. British rule brought shocking misgovernment, such as the Bengal famine of 1943 and economic exploitation, but it also brought western ideas, producing a vibrant cultural life in the 19th century.

    Vestiges of the syncretism survive, despite the fact that West Bengal is now largely Hindu, and Bangladesh Muslim, but the process of erosion grinds on. In both countries, wealthier diasporas exacerbate the sharpening of antagonistic religious identities. The faith of huge numbers of Bangladeshi migrant workers now owes more to a global Islam influenced by Saudi Arabia than to Bengal's traditional Sufism. Upward social mobility in the villages of Sylhet - the region from which most British Bangladeshis come - is associated with a rejection of the folkloric piety in which even Bengal's pre-Islamic Buddhism was discernible.

    Looking at the Gazi scroll, one cannot but conclude that the past offers more enlightened models of living with difference than we are achieving. We need to be reminded - and inspired - by the history of places such as Bengal so that we can guard against the easy simplification that human beings can be parcelled into discrete civilisational categories based on faith. Some of the world's richest cultural traditions are the legacy of the interaction of several faiths (Madeleine Bunting Wednesday November 29, 2006,The Guardian) .

    4. Glimpse of Adivasi Cultures of Bangladesh











    The Adivasis of Bangladesh demonstrate unique cultures, traditions, knowledge and much more. Their diverse cultures, languages and traditions contribute profusely to make Bangladesh a culturally rich country. Eleven indigenous communities in the southeast [Chittagong Hill Tracts; Santal, Oraon, Munda, Malo, Mahato, Koch, Rajbangshi in the north; the Garos and Hajongs in the north-central plains; Monipuri, Khasi, Patra and tea garden communities in the northeast; and Rakhaings in the coastal districts of Cox's Bazar, Barguna and Patuakhali districts have distinct features in their cultural life.

    Bangladesh can surely take pride in its diverse cultural life with such distinct indigenous peoples. Their languages and cultures also enrich the language and cultural life of the majority Bengalis. The boundary of cultural life goes far beyond stage performance of dances, songs and drama. Language, knowledge, thought, belief, tradition, technology, behavior, morality, rights, festivals-all these are parts of the cultural life of a human community. Protection of cultures cannot be limited to mere efforts for the protection of dances, songs and dramas. If a community's right to land, local resources, education and practice of traditions in their own language, and use of knowledge and local technologies are not secure, efforts for protection of culture become meaningless.

    The Santal and Oraon

    The Santal and the Oraon are two major indigenous peoples of the North Bengal (Rajshahi, Dinajpur, Rangpur, Thakurgaon, Bogra and Sirajganj districts). The history and culture of these two ethnic communities, who were among the first people to populate India, is old and rich. In course of time and under pressure, many of the elements of their cultures are disappearing. They still try hard to keep their distinct cultural heritage. The cultures of these two peoples contain diverse rites and rituals.

    Cultural Diversity is Our Pride

    The Adivasis of Bangladesh demonstrate unique cultures. Their diverse cultures, languages and traditions contribute profusely to make Bangladesh a culturally rich country. For the past many months SEHD has facilitated interaction of different peoples and cultures. Partha Shankar Saha has been closely following these peoples of different cultures and has recorded some features of the selected peoples and their cultures. Philip Gain writes an introduction to go with his report. Sayeeda Saani has helped in the translation of Partha's report.

    Some Santal Festivals

    Dasai Festival and Dance:


    Dasai is a Santal festival. Many tunes and dances originated from it. Dasai festival is related with the story of Ramchandra's conquering of Lanka. King Ramchandra killed Raban (ruler of Lanka) by worshipping Goddess Shrichandi. The Santals believe that Rama is their king and they are his lost subjects. King Rama will find them when they will have completed 70 graves on the top of one grave. The followers of Rama arrange this festival to seek help of Srichandi for salvation from war, epidemic, diseases, despair, etc. The Santals perform Dasai dance during the Durga Puja (a major festival of Hindus in Bangladesh and Indian State of West Bengal). Sarjom Festival and Dance:
    Sarjom is a traditional Santal festival. At this festival, Santal women put fresh sal flowers in their topknots and men eagerly await the taste of the home-made alcoholic beverage. They dance for the whole night. They arrange marriage of the sal trees with the Bonbibi (goddes of forest) for the protection of the sal trees. They decorate the tree with vermilion, sari, etc. and keep dancing all night around the container of the alcoholic beverage.

    Baha Festival and Dance:

    This is a very favorite festival of the Santals. Actually, spring festival is the Baha festival. In this festival the Santal women put wild flowers in their topknots and get deeply engaged in singing and dancing in the courtyard of the Manjhi, village head.

    Bhantan:

    Bhantan is the funeral ceremony. There are many rules for Bhantan. The Santals believe that the deceased can not eat if they do not arrange Bhantan. He or she remains starving which brings bad luck for the family. Bhantan is arranged for good luck of the family. Songs and dances are part of the ceremony.

    Sohrar Festival and dance:

     It is Santal's foremost festival. It is usually held at the end of the year. It is a three-day festival. The first day is named, Khuntao, second day Um and third day Gadate. In Sohrar festival, the Santals sacrifice all their crops and vegetables of the year in the name of their supreme God, Sinch Chand (Sun). On the first day, the domestic animal, bull, is tied in the worship pavilion. Then, different kinds of cakes are hanged from the bull's neck in a fine thread. On the second day, everybody takes bath after worshipping the god of water, Daku Banga. On the third day, everybody takes bath in the ocean to get rid of sin, sorrow and tiredness of the past year.

    The Garo (Mandi):

    The Garo is one of the major ethnic communities of Bangladesh. The Garos preferred to be called Mandi, which means human being. The Mandis are concentrated in greater Tangail and Mymensingh districts. A significant percentage of them live in Modhupur sal forest. Literacy and education rate among the Mandis are high compared to the national average. A good number of them live and work in Dhaka. In Bangladesh they are estimated at about 100,000. The total number of the Mandis [in Bangladesh and India] is about 600,000; majority of whom live in the Indian State of Meghalaya. The district of this state in which they are concentrated is known as 'Garo hills' according to the Indian Government record.

    The language of the Mandis of the Mongoloid race originated from the Tibeto-Burmese language family. Migration history of the Mandis to what is now Bangladesh is not very clear. The Mandis of the Modhupur think that they came to this region from the Garo hills of the Meghalaya State. Their migration happened many centuries ago. In the records of the British in the 19th century, Northern Mymensingh was marked as Mandi inhabited area.

    The Mandis are unique for their matrilineal system. It does not mean that the Mandi society is female dominated. Both man and woman in Mandi society enjoy equal rights, which is absent in other ethnic groups in Bangladesh. Actually, in this social system, maternal lineage is followed. There are quite a number of clans in Mandi society. All Mandi men and women are identified according to their mother's clan. Marital relation cannot take place within the same clan. In the Mandi society women inherit property. Sangsarek is the original Mandi religion. Now a days Most of the Mandis of Bangladesh are Christians. Only a small percentage of them continue to follow the Sangsarek religion these days

    Once jum (slash-and-burn) cultivation was one principal farming system in the Mandi-inhabited areas. Many of the aged Mandis of the Modhupur Tract, still remember their experience on jum cultivation. Jum is no more practiced by the Mandis of Bangladesh. The houses of the Mandis with earthen walls are very beautiful. The literacy and education rate among the Mandis in Bangladesh are much higher than the national average. Even at the end of the British regime, very few Mandi men and women used to go to school. With the expansion of education, changes occurred to the original occupation of the Mandi and their professions have also diversified.

    Mandi Cultural Festivals and Dances

  • Greekka: It is a dance of joy, war and victory. In ancient days, the Mandis used to confront the enemy with their traditional weapons-Millam (sword), Sphi (shield); they also used these for hunting. Even now, in any worship or social gathering, Chra (leader of the clan), expresses his joy, gratitude and pain through this Greekka dance.
  • Bisa Dim Dima (to make a child sleep): Mother makes her restless child sleep by taking him or her in her lap or back and by singing or telling stories. Mothers arouse the heroism within the child by narrating heroic deeds of the race through these songs and stories. Summary of a Bisa Dim Dima song is like this-
    O my boy, do not be naughty, sleep quietly.
    If the Gnal (enemy) comes to know you are still awake, he will take you away.
    You will kill even the lion, eagle
    when they will come to attack you.
  • A. Ba. Cha a (jum dance): Once, jum cultivation was the traditional farming system of the Mandis. Mandi men and women use to work on the jum plots in groups. The present modern agricultural equipments were absent in those days. Only chopper, spade, axe, hoe and thin sticks were used as agricultural tools. Generally they could complete the jum cultivation with these simple tools. This dance depicts how they used to clear the jungle and carry out jumming.
  • Nomil Roa (gathering of young girls): The young heart of teen-age girls is full of joy and restlessness. They share their joy with each others in groups or individually. Nomil Roya is a dance performed by young girls to show joy and feelings.
  • Wangala Festival:Wangala is the biggest and most colorful of all the traditional festivals of the Mandis. It is a thanksgiving festival after the harvest of crops that normally takes place in the months of October-November. Traditional Wangala festival may continue for one week and in individual houses. But nowadays, big Wangala festivals are arranged in missions of different Churches. One can see influence of Christianity in such Wangala festivals. The Mandis living in Dhaka also arrange colorful Wangala festivals.

    The Mandis perform various rituals, songs and dances at Wangala. Some of them are, Gori Rua, Greekka, Bisa Dim Dima, Na. Wal Dekka, Dokrusua, A. Ba. Cha, Serenjing, Dellang Mangpina, Rere, An Ding Salla, Sasat Soa, Wanthi Khoka, Gure Wata and Dama Gogato. All these rituals and items have different meanings. All of these rituals and items are related to the life and culture of the Mandis. During this festival, the Mandi villages decorated with new adornment. All of them prepare good foods. Locally brewed rice bear flows freely during the festival. Wangala is not only a festival but also an event of reunion. Relatives, friends, neighbors and visitors come together through this ceremony.

    Some Festivals of the Oraon

  • Fagua Festival: Bengali Falgun (February-March) month is the first month of the Oraon calendar. Summer starts on from this month. Fagua festival is celebrated on the last day of the Falgun month. In the night of this day they set branches of different trees on the ground and hang some hay in these branches; then they set fire on the hay. The Oraons think that this festival symbolizes the death of mother earth.
  • Sarhul Festival: This ceremony is celebrated in the Bengali month of Chaitra (March-April). The Oraon arrange this (spring) festival in case of rain or intense drought. In Chaitra, if there is a desire of rain, pitchers filled with water, are kept in the village heads' houses. As the Oraon girls come dancing to these houses, the water is poured in them. The Oraons believe that this act will bring the rains. If more rain is desired, Pahan (the village head) and his wife sit beside each other and vermilion is smeared on their forehead. This is a symbolic marriage of earth and sky. Then water is poured on their head and the villagers cry out by saying, barso barso meaning let there be rain so that the land becomes fertile and produces huge quantity of crops.
  • Karam Festival: Karam is a major festival of the Oraons. This festival is held in the Bengali month of Bhadra (July-August). To celebrate this festival, the Oraon cut a branch of a Karam tree and set it on the ground. Then they worship it with songs and dances. The Oraons believe that the Karam tree is equal to the protector. They believe that in the past when they were driven by the Arayans, this Karam tree gave them refuge. From then on, out of gratitude, they celebrate this Karam festival. This festival brings the Oraon together.
  • Sohrai Festival: This festival is celebrated on the day of the new moon in the Bengali month of Kartik. This occasion is held on the day of Diwali, a festival of the Hindus. On the day of this festival, the domestic animals (believed to be gifts of God Dharmesh)-cows, buffalos, goats, lambs, which help in cultivation are given baths and smeared with vermilion and oil. The tools used in agriculture are also cleaned and smeared with vermilion. The animals are served a lunch of rice mixed with Maskalai, a kind of pulse. The family members share the same food for lunch. Cowshed is thoroughly cleaned. The Oraon are primarily agriculturists. The festival is arranged to express thanks and gratitude to the artefacts used in agriculture.

    Adivasis belonging to different corners of Bangladesh are disadvantaged and marginal peoples today. In many instances, they have lost their identities and languages. This has severe consequences in their social, political, economic and cultural life. They have become defenseless, excluded and are compelled to assimilate in many instances. It is a tough struggle to provide political protection to the Adivasi life and culture. While State attention and policy are much needed for the protection of the Adivasis, increased human communication of the cultural majority with these cultural minorities is imperative. If the common masses have greater understanding of the Adivasi cultural diversity, they can play a role in influencing the state attention in the favor of the Adivasis. With this in mind the Society for Environment and Human Development (SEHD) that has been working closely with the indigenous communities has initiated a programme (from April 2004) for the promotion of the cultural diversity of the indigenous communities of Bangladesh. The programme is intended to facilitate (i) interaction and solidarity among peoples of different cultures, (ii) sharing of life and cultural experiences between the cultural majority and ethnic minority communities, and (iii) creation of positive impression about the cultural world of the indigenous communities among the members of the cultural majority in particular.

    Manipuri

    Manipuri DanceFrom history we learn that the 'Meities', early inhabitants of Manipur, performed certain ritualistic dances characterized by repetitive but disciplined movements to invoke the deity. The 'maibas', 'lai haroba' and the 'khamba thoibi' were a part of their repertoire. However, during the 17th century the advent of Hinduism, specifically Vaishnavism, brought about an evolution of a distinct dance form which shows mutual interaction between the earlier ritualistic dances and the Vaishnava 'bhakti' cult. The present form of the Manipuri dance is said to have evolved during the reign of Maharaja Bhagyachandra during 1964-1789.

    Jawaharlal Nehru once said, "The world would be more peaceful if people were to desist from imposing their ways of living on other people and countries." Tolerating and celebrating difference is the key to a successful and prosperous culture. Diversity only enriches us.

    Thousands of years before the Bangali nation existed in the domain we now call our motherland, the Santals and Bheems inhabited this land. They are the indigenous people of this land. The Adivasis of Bangladesh demonstrate an array of unique cultures, traditions and much more. Their diverse languages and cultural heritage enrich the collective culture of Bangladesh. Eleven indigenous communities in the southeast; Santal, Oraon, Munda, Malo, Mahato, Koch, Rajbangshi in the north; the Garos and Hajongs in the north-central plains; Monipuri, Khasi, Patra and tea garden communities in the northeast; Rakhaings in the coastal districts of Cox's Bazar, Barguna and Patuakhali districts have distinct features in their cultural life.

    Manipuri is a living force in this land of verdant hills and flowing landscapes. Every occasion worth celebrating merits a Manipuri performance be it a birth, a marriage, or any such festivity. In Manipur it is rare to see anyone without the knowledge of dance and music. Royalty, too, have been known to mingle with the commoners on the 'mandapa' or stage as a mark of their proficiency in the aesthetic arts.

    Manipuri Dance

    The first impression that one gets after viewing a Manipuri performance is the personification of power contained. Underlying the inherent fluidity and excruciating grace of the performance is the impression of control and restrain excercised by the performer. This characteristic of ease and fluidity contrasts distinctively from the precision and terse clarity of the South Indian style but in no way negates a high degree of technicality.

    The Repertoire

    The 'cholams', one of the three aspects of tandava dance, comprise a major portion of a Manipuri repertoire. Sri Chaitanya, a leading exponent of the Bhakti cult, popularised the 'kirtanas' or devotional songs performed en masse, as a mark or spiritual devotion. 'Cholams' are an extension of this ritual of 'Sankirtan' where the devotee in an excess of emotion embarks on dance. The 'cholams' are performed in groups and instruments like the 'karatali' and 'poong', used as accompaniments during 'kirtana', are incorporated within the dance. The ritual dances of the Shaivite period have, also, survived and are very much a part of the repertoire. Strictly speaking these dances are on the margin of classical and folk dances. They are invariably performed in groups and are known to the community at large.

    Raas-Lila

    It is only when we come to the 'Raas' that we encounter the richness and classicism of both 'nritya' and 'abhinaya' in the Manipuri style. As per the 'Natyashastra', the 'Raas' is a drama performed on a circular stage.
    There are three main varieties of 'Raas Lila' prevalent today in Manipur.
    'Basanta Raas' performed on the full moon day of Chaitra (Bengali month) represents the amorous scenes of th eromance of Krishna and Radha.
    'Kunja Raas' performed during Dasara depicts the dance in an arbour made of leaves where the daily meetings of the divine lovers Radha and Krishna are enacted.
    'Maha Raas' performed on the full moon day of Kartik  (Bengali month - November) is the very romantic story Krishna as a lover- be it with the Gopis or with Radha.

    Despite the separation from their motherland, they never parted with their religion, culture and heritage. Defying the regional influence, they always maintained the practice of their traditional rites, their own religion and culture. Evidence of this is the Raash Festival, which has been observed from generation to generation by the Monipuri people every year. The magnificence and solemnity that the attire, the presentation and even the stage decorations of the Raashleela festival possess are seldom or even nowhere seen in any of our cultural presentations. Despite being the religious and cultural representation of the common people, the Raash Festival is often mistaken as being a royal ceremony. In reality although the festival had its origin in the royal court, the common people spontaneously accepted it as their own.

    Raas Mela (Festival)

    Mostly celebrated by the Bishnupriya group of Manipuri community of Bangladesh, Rash Purnima is held on the day of full moon in the Bangla month of Kartik (late Autumn). In the afternoon the festival begins with a dance depicting Lord Krishna's notorious young life. Children dress up as Krishna and perform in front of hundreds of devotees. In the evening begins Rash Nritya, a Manipuri style dance performed by young girls wearing traditional Manipuri garbs.

    radha krishnaThousands of people congregated on the shores of the Bay of Bengal at Kuakata beach to attend the 3-day-long Raas Mela, a religious fair that started on November 25, 2004. Ranjit Karmakar, the president of the Kuakata Raas Ujjapan Committee, said that already about 50,000 people including tourists and devotees from all over the country and abroad has arrived in Kuakata (S. Bangladesh).

    The two hundred year old Raas Mela (fair) is arranged in accordance with the Raas Purnima Utsav (full moon festival) and the number of attendants will exceed one lakh on the closing day, he added. Seven pairs of joint statue (jugol protima) of goddess Radha and God Krishna were established at the side of the Kuakata Buddha Bihar. Arati (dance devoted to the god and goddess), recitations from the Bhagavat Gita and other holy books of Hindu religion, songs of Padaboli Kirtan, religious and philosophical discussion on the life and activities of the God Sree Krishna, Raas Puja (worship), Punnaya Snayan (holy bath) in the sea at the time of sun rise and setting and other religious functions would be observed with great enthusiasms, proper religious merit and honor during this three days long festival (Bangladesh Observer, November 27, 2004).

    Radha-KrishnaIndian mythological traditions
    Katyani Puja main religious festival of Hindus

    The Rabindra Nritya Dhaka & Manipur

    Famous painting by Gagenranath Tagore

    Deeply moved by the Raas Lila during his visit to Manipur in 1917, Rabindranath Tagore is credited with introducing this enchnting style of dance to the other parts of the world. Renowned teachers were invited to teach this dance form in tagore's idylic institute in Shantiniketan. Furthermore, Tagore borrowed elements liberally from this dance to mould his own dance-dramas like Chitrangada, Chandalika and Shapmochan. The softness and grace that form a characteristic feature of Tagore's own style and rightly attributed to the Manipuri elements incorporated in the dramas.
    (Sharmila Bandyopadhyay,Nov. 8, 2003).

    Manipuri Sari

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    5.Aborigines celebrate 'Karam Puja'

    With a view to starting the festival the 'Thakur' (priest) along with some of the members of their community went to Jonepur, some two kilometres away from Natshal, to cut a branch of Karam or Kadamba tree. There they lighted an earthen lamp (Pradip) and offered worship at the foot of the tree. Then one of them climbed the tree and cut a branch of it. They returned to Natshal, one of the venues of the festival with that branch of the Karam tree and planted it.

    The aborigine men and women passed the whole night by singing and dancing surrounding the branch of the 'Karam' with 'Madal' and 'Karatal'. In the morning, they sank the branch in a nearby pond. This was the main ritual the aborigines had long been performing. But there is a story that they believe to be the cause of introduction of Karam Puja.

    The aborigines, who live mainly on agriculture, believe that to get proper benefit from agriculture they must worship the branch of Karma (Kadamba) in the name of the 'Karma God'.

    The story that they believe is like this : Karma and Dharam were two brothers. Karma worked hard but Dharma did not work. He only worshipped a branch of a tree.

    At this, being very angry Karma once threw away the branch which fell on an island across seven seas and thirteen rivers. Karma began to suffer for his neglect of the Kadamba branch and found no more success in agriculture. Karma realised his guilt and after toiling too much took back the branch and started worshipping it. At this he regained his success in agriculture. From that moment 'Dal Puja' or 'Karam festival' came in culture of the aborigines.

    Karam festival was actually the festival of the 'Orao' tribe who used to celebrate the festival at their respective areas. Jatiya Adibasi Parishad and Adibashi Sangskritik Parishad jointly started celebrating the festival about eight years ago at Natshal field on the next day of the main ritual. Now it has become a great communion of all the aborigines like Orao, Santal, Munda, Mahato and Raichatri.

    Sounds of 'dhol' and clapping of the aborigine men, women, old, young and children create a dancing excitement in the blood of all gathered there. But it was closely observed that a section of political personalities have spread their claws to take the minority group under their control. They make the total arrangement of the festival at Natshal field from background although they do not belong to that community (The Independent, September 4, 2004).

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    65. Garaiya Dance - unique culture of the Tripura
    Garaiya dance

    As the third biggest tribal group in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the unique culture of the Tripura stands out among the other tribes with its legendary dances, songs and folklore. The 'Bottle Dance' and the "Garaiya Dance" are most popular among the folk dances that are steeped in the rich cultural heritage of the people of Tripura.

    The main attraction of Baisyu festival, the Garaiya dance, which goes on for three to seven days, has recently seen participation of women along with the traditional male dancers. The Garaiya god, often associated with Shiva as symbols of the Sky God, enjoys two pujas at his temple at the beginning and end of the Garaiya dance, which also starts and ends at the same house. The agri-based Tripura society dances in between the two pujas in their prayer for rain, protection of the Jum crops from evil and keep them safe from harm.

    The Tripura tribe has come to hold the belief that if they pray to the goddess Gauri, who is locally known as Gauraiya, she will send down the rains in return during the month of Chaitra (Bengali month) in the Bengali year. The ritual is conducted by a priest, the 22 rhythms and changes of pace of the Garaiya dance describes the journey of life and afterlife from birth through the 22 gestures or mudras, such as conquering front yards, planting Jum, calling women, and dancing like deers (Arunendu Tripura , August 15, 2004).

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    7. Chaitra Shankranti Puja

    The Kochs are believed to be the oldest and original inhabitants of the Bhawal forests. However, over the last few decades, they have become a minority in their own land, thanks to continuous Bangalee migration to the region. These indigenous people strive hard to keep alive their own ancient traditions of festivals, dances and rituals. Saying goes that the Kochs have 13 festivals a year. These festivals are Kal Baishakhi, Kali Puja, Kamakkha Puja, Poddo Puja, Maddhop Puja, Durga Puja, Roth Mela, Kartik Puja, Ganesh Puja, Bura-Buri Puja, Saraswati Puja, Chaitra Shankranti Puja and Chaitra Shankranti Mela. The Kochs believe that observing these festivals and rituals bring them closer to God. Chaitra Shankranti Puja .

    The Kochs celebrate Chaitra Shankranti by devoutly offering a puja to their god Mohadev. Legend goes that Mohadev used to live in isolated places such as graveyards and forests. Fond of drinking wine, he was disliked by everyone. When his wife Gouri died, he lost his mental balance and became homeless with the burnt ashes of Gouri. Hindu people celebrate the occasion of Mohadev's tour to Gouri's house. This event occurred in Chaitra, the last month of the Bangla calendar, and thus the Hindus offer pujas in the course of this month. The symbol of Mohadev is trishul and Gouri is pat (a wooden sculpture).

    The preparation for the festival begins a week before the arrival of Baishakh. The puja begins with the bathing ceremony of the pat on the first night of the festival, which is called patsnan. Ganga puja, Delghora, Purnago Pat puja, Phuljol puja, Bhikhkhamaga, Pater shesh puja, Bahirbhog puja follow and continue till two nights before the 1st of Baishakh. The monks go to every house to collect bhog (sacred food) during Delghora, the word "del" meaning house. Mohadev goes to the house of his father-in-law and takes a meal. To depict this, the Koch people make someone the father-in-law of Mohadev and go to his house and offer a Purnago pat puja with flower, banana, rice and incense. People partake of a special bhog. All the monks then get back to Mohadev's house with the images of Mohadev and Gouri at night. The priests prepare for the sacred rituals while a person, known as Maktoma, recites the mantra. Not all the priests but only two or three chosen ones believed to bring good luck offer the pujas.

    Chaitra Shankranti is one of the biggest festivals of the Kochs that bids farewell to the Bangla year. The Koch people gather at a huge fair on the Bahadurpur Primary School field. The fair sells sweets of different kinds--batasha, naru, mowa, kodma etc. Apart from food items, earthen dolls, money banks, pots and pans are also found in the fair that attract the children. About 1,56,000 Kochs lived in Bangladesh once. Now, they are mostly settled in Dhaka, Bogra, Rajshahi and Rangpur. These indigenous people have adopted so much of the Bangalee culture that their own culture is running the risk of being extinct (Tanveen Zaman & Khaled, 2005).

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    7.1 Garo Festival Wangala

    In its original incarnation, Wanna, Wangala, or Drua Wanbola, as it was traditionally called, was a time for Garos to take a break from the hardships of daily life and rejoice in the prosperity of a new harvest. The abundance of the season was inspiration to wear new clothes and parade in village processions, dance to the beat of drums and sing thanks to the gods. It was an occasion for youth to choose their partners, for elders to preside over rituals and for everyone to dance, drink and be merry.

    Up until two years ago, however, there was little evidence of such celebration. The systematic breakup of Garo traditions through religious conversion, land grabbing, and the pressures of modern life fractured the community and threatened to render extinct the most important festival of the Garos. The few communities that remained intact had become too impoverished over the years to organise a harvest festival with the pomp and magnitude of its pre-20th century heyday.

    Realising the loss, a group of modern Garos took the matter into their own hands and in December of 2003, revived the tradition in their hometown Askipara district of Mymensingh after a 100-year hiatus that began with the mass conversion of Garos to Christianity. The second Wangala celebrated this past December was a testament to the steady progress and the growing strength of the Garo community.

    The ceremony began with the burning of incense to show respect and pray for the return of the Mother Goddess, whose grace is believed to bring a good yield.

    As the event was designed to educate the next generation of Garos, a group of young children displayed the indigenous agricultural process of jhum cultivation. Symbolic dance movements depicted the slash and burn method of clearing forest land and then the planting of seeds. Young boys came out on stage yielding makeshift swords and shields in a vigourous dance to frighten the evil spirits and protect their growing crops. These performances, which are part of the Sangshareq religion, aim to appease spirits through oblations and to ward off ghosts and demons by frightening them away. At the end of the dance, the dancers, both girls and boys depicted the picking and gathering of crops, making way for festivities to begin.

    A main element in traditional festivities is flirtation among the youth. In a special performance, inviting humour from the audience, children depicted young men and women selecting their partners. Through dance, each boy struggled to get past a stubborn dancing drummer in a 'battle of drums' to 'gain access' to the group of young women. (In the matriarchal Garo society, the husband goes to the wife's house after marriage, but these days many Garos have assimilated to the mainstream Bengali tradition of practicing the reverse custom.)

    Jhum Cultivation

    The people of North East India and hilly areas of Bangladesh represent a fascinating variety of cultures. Jhum plays an important cultural role in local customs, traditions, and practices, besides offering economic security to farmers. It would be unfortunate if developmental programmes based on misguided opinions about jhum suppress this unique form of agriculture. Only occupations providing monetary and social benefits perceived by jhumias to outweigh the cultural and security benefits embodied by jhum are likely to gain acceptance. A balanced approach to development that also recognises the merits of jhum is needed. Then, this remarkable form of organic farming may persist into the 21st century.

    Jhum as commonly practised by indigenous tribes in North East India. This 'primitive' form of agriculture, according to supporters of "deforestation":

  • resulted in serious environmental problems:
  • loss of forest cover, erosion of topsoil, desertification, and
  • declines in forest productivity.

    Others have also decried jhum as an inefficient form of agriculture, an impediment to progress of forestry, and an agent of destruction of biodiversity. Such beliefs have been widespread since British times, and have even resulted in forcible suppression of the practice, oppression and relocation of tribals in Central India and other hill regions.

    Rapid demographic and social changes have occurred in many tribal societies of North East India. The environmental impacts of jhum cultivation and its role in people's lives have concurrently changed. The conversion of over 80% of the population to Christianity in less than a century (1894-1994) has dislodged the significant role of superstition and mystique in peoples' relationship with their natural environment. A large majority of peoples is tribal and dependent on jhum for its subsistence and livelihood.

    Advantage of Jhum Cultivation:

  • In contrast, studies by ethnologists have tended to view shifting cultivation favourably. It is considered a diversified system, well adapted to local conditions in moist forest and hilly tracts.Others have argued that traditional shifting cultivation may not be as destructive as modern forest exploitation for timber. Clearance of small patches of forest with long fallow periods may even enhance biodiversity in the landscape due to the creation of a variety of habitats. Amidst such contrasting views, there is a clear need for reliable empirical and scientific data on the nature and ecological impact of jhum.

  • Jhum cultivation usually involves cutting of second-growth bamboo forests. Since old growth or primary forest is less extensively available and is more difficult to clear, they are cultivated infrequently. The clearing work usually begins in January-February. The slashed vegetation is allowed to dry on the hill slopes for 1-2 months prior to burning in March-April. Crops are sown with the first rains in April in plots that are 1-4 ha in area. Usually, inter-cropping of one or more paddy varieties with 15-20 other crops (vegetables, maize, chillies, gourds, cotton, arum, and mustard) is carried out.

  • Studies showed that, far from being primitive and inefficient, jhum is an ingenious system of organic multiple cropping well suited to the heavy rainfall areas of the hill tracts. The economic and energetic efficiency of jhum is higher than alternative forms of agriculture such as terrace and valley cultivation. This is mainly because terrace and valley cultivation needs expensive external input such as fertilisers (which often get leached or lost in the heavy rainfall hill slopes) and pesticides, besides labour for terracing.

  • The superiority of jhum cultivation over some forms of sedentary cultivation partly explains the persistence of this form of agriculture in North East India. Other reasons include the economic security provided by jhum and its cultural importance to indigenous tribes. Poor access to markets, capital, and technical knowhow of more commercially rewarding alternatives such as horticulture and cash crop cultivation also hinders the transition to other occupations. Clearly, one cannot do away with jhum assuming it to be a primitive and inefficient system, as attempted in governmental jhum control programmes and new land use policies. Instead, an unbiased understanding of the advantages of jhum is required for proper design and implementation of developmental programmes.

  • Erosion of valuable topsoil in the hills due to jhum has been alleged to cause siltation and floods in the plains. Singh has reviewed studies carried out by the Indian Council of Agricultural Research that compared soil erosion from jhum fields with other forms of cultivation on terraces and contour bunds. These studies show that jhum fields cultivated for a single year and abandoned (the most common practice) have less erosive losses of soil than the other forms of settled cultivation.

  • Soil erosion is minimised in jhum due to the retaining of rootstocks of bamboo and trees in burned plots, the rapid recovery of weeds and bamboo following abandonment, and the interspersion of forests and fields on hill slopes. The evidence for siltation of rivers and floods because of soil erosion due to jhum is weak and possibly untenable. Other factors, such as large scale logging for timber extraction, may be responsible to a greater extent for the deforestation and environmental problems in North East India.

    References:

    P.D. Stracey, 1967, 'A note on Nagaland', Journal of the Bombay Natural History Society 64: 440-446.
    D. Borah and N.R. Goswami, 1973, A comparative study of crop production under shifting and terrace cultivation (a case study in the Garo hills, Meghalaya). Ad hoc Study 35, Agro-economic Research Centre for North East India, Jorhat; A.P. Dwivedi, 1993, Forests: the ecological ramifications. Natraj Publishers, Dehradun;
    R.R. Rao and P.K. Hajra, 1986, 'Floristic diversity of the eastern Himalaya in a conservation perspective', Proceedings of the Indian Academy of Sciences (Animal Sciences/Plant Science Supplement) November: 103-125.
    C. von Fürer-Haimendorf, 1982, Tribes of India: the struggle for survival. Oxford University Press, Delhi;
    M. Gadgil, and R. Guha, 1992, This Fissured Land: an ecological history of India. Oxford University Press, Delhi.
    H. Conklin, 1969, An ethnoecological approach to shifting agriculture, pp. 221-233, in A.P. Vayda (ed),
    Environment and Cultural Behaviour. Academic Press, New York; O. Horst, 1989, 'The persistence of milpa agriculture in highland Guatemala', Journal of Cultural Geography 9: 13-29;
    M.J. Eden, 1987, 'Traditional shifting cultivation and the tropical forest system', Trends in Ecology and Evolution 2: 340-343;
    R. Guha, 1994, Fighting for the Forest: state forestry and social change in tribal India, pp. 20-37, in O. Mendelsohn and U. Baxi (eds), The Rights of Subordinated Peoples. Oxford University Press, Delhi.
    M. Gadgil and R. Guha, 1992, op. cit. P.S. Ramakrishnan, 1992, Shifting Agriculture and Sustainable Development: an interdisciplinary study from north-eastern India. MAB Series, Volume 10, UNESCO, Paris.

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    8. Rong Chu Gala festival

    locationThe Pirgachha village of Modhupur thana is situated in the Tangail district. The Mandi community, widely known as the Garos, primarily inhabit this locality. Throughout the months of Bhadra and Ashwin (Autumn) the air around the villages of Modhupur is filled with the sounds of the Aduri, a traditional trumpet of the Mandis, made from an ox's horn. The Aduri is usually played during the festivals. Like any other autumn, the sounds of the Aduri vibrated in the air of Modhupur announcing the Rong Chu Gala festival. Mandis celebrate the Rong Chu Gala festival right after the sowing of the Aman rice. They worship Shaljong (the sun god), asking for his blessings for a good harvest.

    During the festival, everyone gathers at the house of the village chief. The festival starts at his house after the sowing is completed. The chief along with his team of dancers go from house to house and perform the War Dance. In every house the head of the family and elderly members of the clan join the dance. The War Dance is a group dance with wooden swords and shields. The women folk usually have a reunion during this festival. In every house they have a rice wine called Chu. It is a custom to share the wine with the members of the family and to offer every visitor a glass.

    Important event of the Rong Chu Gala festiva issymbolic offering to the dead. Every family offers a token amount of paddy as yearly ration to the departed members. They believe the dead need food too. A memorial is built in the backyard. Every dead member of the family gets a Khimma, a curved wooden pole fixed on the ground symbolising deceased elderly relatives.

    Dancers were sitting in the round shaped yard playing Aduri along with other instruments like the Dama and Natup ,both traditional drums. They say that the Dama is the mother drum and the Natup, a little drum of a similar shape, is the baby. The rice wine Chu was kept in one corner. Every adult member of the homestead was sipping from his or her own glass.

    Around the Khimma they hang paddy on bamboo poles. This freshly picked paddy is a token amount of the yearly ration. Rounds of Chu are also a part of this occasion.

    Today like every other indigenous community living in Bangladesh, the Mandis too are gradually altering their lifestyles, trying to fit in with the fast changing world. The majority of the Mandis being Christians, festivals like Rong Chu Gala is losing its touch. Many families do not celebrate the occasion anymore. Yet many still join in the celebration, praying to the sun god, hoping for a good harvest. The singing and dancing continues until the last house of the village is visited. Rong Chu Gala ends at the house of the chief, from where it had all started (Shahnaz Parveen, 21 Sept. 2005).

    Lyrics from Rivers

    river - lifeA long time ago, when man did not obstruct rivers to suit his petty needs, the river channels served as goodwill ambassadors to extensive geographical areas - a river originating in one country flowing through another, joining another river, forming a filigree of merging and diverging rivers - with the social and cultural heritage of one region blending into another, each drawing on the rich yet varied perspectives in the whole process of cultural evolution. This is perhaps most apparent in Bengal's rich and enviable variety of folksongs. Rivers form an integral part of the topography of Bengal: "Bangladesh is the land of rivers. Ganga, Meghna, Dhaleshwari, Shitalakshya, Gadai - in so many names and in such myriad forms these rivers encircle Bangladesh.

    Playing on the silvery strings of the rivers, an invisible musician has with his delicate touch composed the song of its heart - the bhatiyali. Several areas remain submerged in rainwater for almost six months in a year, with the boat the only mode of transport . . . separated from their families for months on end, they have for their companion only the river on which they row their boats, with the waters merging into the horizons, and the azure heavens above. It is as if the waters are limitless. And the boatman, in his solitude questions his own existence - where have I come from? Where do I go hence? such questions pervade the songs of boatmen. Like the lyrics of these songs which have taken shape from the waters of these rivers, the tunes too have blended into the lyrics from the lilting waters of the rivers (Jasim Uddin, "Murshida Gaan", Dhaka, 1977)."

    You've set me adrift
    You've sunk me
    The endless waters have no shore
    Limitless, with no shores, the waters have no banks
    O row with care boatman, my riven boat.

    What we require today is a serious and committed research which can save whatever is left of the fast depleting forms of folk music in Bengal. The rivers are ridden with the politics of water sharing. Where are the boatmen who can sing out into the blue heavens: "You've set me adrift..." ?

    Festivities in the hills

    Winter festival is now the only carrier of fading cultural heritage of one of the world's most ancient communities, known as Mros, in the southeastern part of Bandarban. Trekking up the hills, one would be surprised to find the Mros inhabiting the most remote pockets of land, small hills or sometimes near streams. Chiyachot, a winter festival celebrated with the slaughter of cows and dance, has been a religious practice of the Mros. The Mros believe that God created different religions for different societies, and the responsibility to bring their religion was given to a cow. They believe the cow exhausted from a long journey, became hungry and ate their holy book. Therefore the cow must be punished in the most cruel manner, hence the tradition of cow slaughter began after an order from their leader.

    THOSE living in other parts of the country also hold on to their traditions and customs that date back hundreds of years. Garos in Mymensingh celebrate one of their biggest festivals called Wanna, a thanksgiving event to their God in Winter through much pomp and festivities. Hundreds of Garos from the nearby areas join the celebrations.

    While the Bangalees prepare for Pahela Boishakh, the tribal community of the Chittagong Hill Tracts get ready for Baishabi, a festival unique to the people and their land. The population living in the hill tracts mainly comprise of the Chakma, Marma, Tanchanga and Tripura people. Each tribe celebrate the New Year in their distinctive ethnic style. Tripura's celebrate Baishu, Marma's observe the Shangraing, Tanchanga's call it the Bishu and to the Chamka the celebration is termed Bijhu. The indigenous people of Bangladesh have been continuing with their distinct tradition, no matter how strong the outside influence was. These festivals are not restricted to only a few of the tribes, with the change of time, people belonging to marginal tribes like Rakhaines also celebrate the festival in a similar way.

    Cultural and Social Life of the Hill People

    marma dance banderban ctghilltractDance and music play a vital role in the religious, cultural and social life of the hill people. The stage performances of the dance and music created an opportunity for the city dwellers to enjoy and learn about the cultural diversity and richness of the indigenous communities. Artistes from Marma, Mru, Bawm, Khyang and Tanchangya communities presented their traditional dances at the programme.

    The event showcased the varied styles of traditional dances within the multicultural space of Bandarban. The programme began with a "candle dance", a ritualistic tradition of the Marmas seeking blessings. Tanchangya dancers performed Jum dance centring the agricultural practices in the community. Bawm dancers performed Shiakidong (horn) dance. This is a ritualistic dance performed all through the night to drive away the evil spirits.

    Marma dancers performed a "fan dance". It is performed during Sangrai, the Marma New Year. On the occasion, young men and women participate in a daylong water-game. The artistes also performed the dance that is a part of this water festival.

    Tanchangya dancers depicted different activities of their social life in the Jibondhara dance. Chhiachhat Ply or "cow killing dance" was performed by Mru dancers. In Marma communities "plate dance" has become very popular as part of their wedding traditions. Dancers balancing plates on thumbs mesmerised the audience. Popular Tripuri "bottle dance" was performed placing bottles on the head. The show ended with Rogha Lang (bamboo dance) by Bawm dancers. "Bamboo dance" is performed in honour of the deceased.

    The dance performances were mingled with rendition of songs. Popular Marma song of "full moon festival", a religious Bawm song, a patriotic Khyang song by indigenous artistes as well as Bangla songs performed by Saw Thue Prue delighted the audience.

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    9. Jatra, the traditional open-air folk opera of Bangladesh
    audience jatra jatra2

    Jatra is known to have commenced in the 16th century. Especially in Chaitanyabhagavad (1548), Brindavan Das describes the dramatic performance of Sri Chaitanya in the role of Rukmini in the Krishnai Jatra. 'Beginning of a journey' is the literal meaning of the Bangla word jatra. This performing art is a form of folk drama combining acting, songs, music and dance. It is characterised by stylised delivery and exaggerated gestures and oration.

    The older palas were purely based on mythology and history. Now social palas are also performed. 'Especially during the period of mass uprising in 1969 and Liberation War in 1971, striking changes in the scripts of jatra were seen. Palas were staged to create awareness of this movement among the rural denizens,'

    'To stage the jatra was not as hard as it is today. Before the Liberation War, jatra was an unparalleled medium of entertainment for the rural people. Those were the good old days when people from all walks of life, including, the educated people formed the audience. This was also the time when jatras were staged for social reforms by aiding the schools, colleges and clubs.

    Jatra peaked in the period from 1947 to 1971 when 22 jatra troupes were established. Tracing the history of jatra in the country, Milon says 'At that point of time, most of the jatra groups dwelled at Brahmanbaria. Joydurga Opera (1947), Volanath Opera (1955) and Vagyalokkhi Opera (1960) of Brahmanbaria, Raycompany Jatraparty (1949) Bashanti Muktomancha Natyaprotishthan (1954) of Gopalgang, Babul Opera (1958) of Chittagong , Bulbul Opera (1967) of Mymensingh, New Bashanti Opera of Faridpur (1968) and Dipali Opera (1969) of Gopalgang were some of the noteworthy groups of this period. Babul Opera revolutionised jatra by casting women artistes in this art form for the first time in our country.

    This was the era when artistes such as Amalendu Biswas, Tusher Dasgupta, Manjusri Mukherji, Jotsna Biswas a